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Trump administration considering F-35 sale to Saudi Arabia

The potential multi-billion-dollar deal with Riyadh for 48 fighter jets has prompted concern about the preservation of Israel’s qualitative military edge

Robert Sullivan

A fleet of F-35 "Joint Strike Fighter's" over Edwards Air Force Base, California.

The Trump administration is weighing a multibillion-dollar sale of F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, a potential major policy shift that has stirred debate over the military balance in the region and Washington’s commitment to preserving Israel’s “qualitative military edge.” 

Saudi Arabia has requested 48 of the advanced aircraft, a proposal the Pentagon is considering, according to Reuters. The deal would require approval at the cabinet level and from President Donald Trump, as well as the notification of Congress. 

The sale would represent a shift in U.S. policy, which has historically restricted sales of the jets largely to NATO countries and fellow democracies. The F-35  is the world’s premier stealth fighter, with capabilities that have allowed Israel to deter threats from Iran and its proxy groups such as Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis. 

Israel initially acquired F-35 jets from the U.S. in 2016, and in 2024 signed a deal to acquire an additional squadron with deliveries set to begin in 2028 in batches of three to five per year — bringing Israel’s total fleet to 75 in the coming years. 

U.S. policy in the Middle East under both Democratic and Republican administrations has for decades been to uphold Israel’s qualitative military edge in the region, formally written into law in 2008 under the Obama administration. 

In this spirit, the U.S. has refrained from supplying the aircraft to militaries hostile to Israel or countries that haven’t yet normalized ties with the Jewish state. 

The Trump administration aims to bring Saudi Arabia into the Abraham Accords, but Riyadh has maintained that normalization is tied to the recognition by Israel of a Palestinian state. 

Some experts warned that the deal could raise concerns in Israel that the U.S. is willing to make major defense deals with Arab nations without requiring normalization and over whether it will maintain its military edge.

“Why would we consider giving our nation’s most advanced fighter jet to a country that refuses to normalize relations with Israel?” said Bradley Bowman, a senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies. “And why would we not use the aircraft as an additional point of leverage to get Riyadh to [normalize ties with Israel]? That seems to me to be a no brainer,”

Robert Satloff, executive director of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said that while Riyadh and Jerusalem have become more “strategically aligned” and disputes over arms sales are largely “a thing of the past,” the proposed deal could renew discussion over whether Israel’s military edge will be maintained.

“Israel has legitimate concerns about maintaining its QME … which the prospect of selling America’s most sophisticated warplane to any other Middle Eastern country would trigger,” said Satloff. “In that context, discussion about the impact of an F-35 sale on Israel’s QME is fair, proper and to be expected.”  

Bowman called Saudi Arabia an “important U.S. security partner” and said American security assistance to allies is generally “a good thing,” but he noted that the deal, which would still leave Israel as the “most capable” military in the Middle East, could impact the Jewish state’s qualitative military edge by definition. 

“Qualitative military edge is not an optional thing. It’s a statutory requirement,” said Bowman. “Let’s remember, QME explicitly says it’s not just Israel’s military capabilities compared to any other one country; it’s a consideration of Israel’s military capabilities against any combination of countries. So it’s not just whether one other country is more capable. It’s a cumulative assessment … If you transfer America’s most advanced fighter jet to Saudi Arabia, then of course it’s going to affect Israel’s qualitative military edge.”

“F-35s for Saudi Arabia would be a significant improvement over what they currently have. It would be giving them, arguably the best, most advanced fighter jet in the world,” Bowman added. “So that, by definition, has to change the relative assessment of Israel’s capabilities versus Saudi Arabia. So if you make Saudi Arabia more capable, then there is a relative decrease in Israel’s military advantage.”

Though opinion of Saudi Arabia on Capitol Hill has warmed since Congress voted on a bipartisan basis in 2019 in favor of resolutions to block some weapons sales to Riyadh, some lawmakers, particularly Democrats, remain skeptical of providing advanced weapons to the kingdom given its checkered human rights record and involvement in various foreign conflicts.

Some lawmakers supportive of Israel might also be hesitant to approve sales of advanced weapons to Saudi Arabia without progress toward normalization.

Those skeptics could attempt to throw up roadblocks to the sale, though, like in 2019, they would likely be unable to block it from going through if the Trump administration remains committed to pressing the issue. In 2019, Trump vetoed the resolution, and opponents of the sale did not have sufficient support to override that veto.

Jason Greenblatt, former White House envoy to the Middle East under the first Trump administration, told Jewish Insider he is confident the deal will be beneficial for both the U.S. and Israel — and will keep the Jewish state’s military edge intact. 

“Saudi Arabia remains an important, long-standing and trusted U.S. ally that does not seek to attack or threaten Israel,” said Greenblatt. “Providing F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia enhances its ability to defend itself against attacks, including those from countries that pose threats to both Saudi Arabia and Israel. I am confident that the Trump administration conducted a thorough assessment to ensure that Israel’s QME will be preserved as part of this sale.” 

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is scheduled to visit Washington on Nov. 18. 

Trump has worked to expand U.S.-Saudi relations in his second term, visiting Riyadh in May 2025 where he secured a $600 billion investment from the Saudis towards the U.S. 

Riyadh has worked to heighten its standing as a global diplomatic powerbroker, hosting several bilateral and multilateral meetings in 2025, including the first high-level, direct meeting between Russia and the United States.

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